We faced several limitations while conducting our research. First,
the respondent sample size for our study was a very small population. Had we
reached a larger audience with our survey, we could have had more conclusive
results in regards to having more equal representation of both male and female
respondents. Within the small sample size, there was a disproportionate
representation of male versus female respondents with 76% being female and only
23% being male (1% did not specify). Additionally, when we asked our
respondents if they knew anyone on welfare, knowing whether that person was
male or female would have been supplemental to our research. When we asked
questions regarding feminist ideals, we combined support for equal job and
educational opportunity for males and females. There might have been a
difference in answers if these categories were asked separately. Moreover,
the survey did not provide the respondent with a clear definition of WIC. To
get more accurate results, we should have explicitly clarified what the welfare
programs were and whom they specifically benefitted. Finally, adding
excerpts pertaining to WIC and food stamps would have provided more information
relating to exactly how gender impacts the respondent’s support for welfare. Essentially,
there is a need for further research within the field of welfare and gender. While
our results cannot be applied to other welfare programs, there is an
opportunity for research to be conducted to examine the impact of gendered
attitudes on support for welfare programs such as unemployment, Social
Security, and disability.
Thursday, May 12, 2016
So, What Does this Mean?
The responses from the survey manifested great significance in
association to our hypothesis. When testing respondents experiences with single
parents, we found that those raised by males were more supportive of male
recipients and those raised by females were more supportive of female
recipients. This data points to the idea that these respondents formed specific
attitudes toward the gender that raised them. The attitudes formed reflect on
their support for welfare recipients. When comparing genders, women
generally support food stamps and WIC more than men do. This shows the general
impact that gender has on welfare support.
Furthermore, when the respondent was asked about their support for
equal job and educational opportunities, equal pay, and equal government aid
for both men and women, we were able to conclude that there was a bias in
attitudes towards a specific gender. Feminist attitudes showed to have an
affect on welfare support. The respondents that identified with feminist
attitudes showed more support for welfare than those who did not. This
demonstrates the direct impact of gendered attitudes on the support for welfare
and welfare recipients. There is a strong correlation between gender and
identifying as a feminist. More females self-identified as a feminist
than males did. However, when testing feminist ideals, male feminism increased
by 50% as opposed to a 44% increase for women. This indicated that there are
gendered attitudes surrounding those who identify as a feminist. These gendered
attitudes have an affect on how society views welfare support among males
versus females.
Overall, the gendered society that we live in definitely has an
impact on how we view welfare programs, especially in terms of food stamps and
WIC. According to our findings, attitudes toward gender, past experiences, and
political ideologies shape a person’s judgment about specific genders receiving
government aid. The data from the survey supports the claim that gendered
attitudes have an impact on support for welfare. Gendered attitudes also
display a trend in support for welfare recipients. Gender as a whole has a
great impact on the support of welfare and welfare recipients.
What Did We Find?
The
findings of the survey show a great significance in gendered attitudes and the
impact it has on attitudes toward welfare. When testing whether being raised
by a single mother or single father affected support for single parent welfare
recipients, the survey found that the respondents who were raised in single parent homes were
more likely to support welfare programs that helped the gender of the parent
they were raised by. For example, as shown in the graph below, out of the 11
respondents who were raised by single mothers, 72.7% of those respondents
answered that they would definitely support single mothers, while only 45.5% of
those respondents answered that they would definitely support single fathers (difference of significance p- .37).
Moreover, when testing the significance of being
raised by a single mother or father and the support for single father welfare
recipients, the survey found that our respondents who
were raised by single fathers were more supportive of single fathers on welfare
programs than they are of single mothers on welfare programs. As shown in the graph
below, out of the three respondents who were raised in a home with a single
father, only 66.7% of them answered that they would definitely support single
mothers, but 100% of them answered that they would definitely support single
fathers. (difference of significance- p- .75).
Analyzing for the
general support of welfare programs showed significant change when compared to
gender and those identifying with feminist ideals. After reviewing the survey’s results, we
discovered that being male or female has an impact on the general support for
WIC and food stamps. Looking at the data from our survey, we found that 80% of
the female respondents generally supported WIC and food stamps, while only 62%
of male respondents generally supported these same programs (difference of
significance p-.98). The respondents who identified with feminist attitudes
(tested through support for equal government aide for men and women) showed to
have higher general support for WIC and food stamps (See Figure 3). This is
supported by our finding that 57% of people who identified as feminist had
general support for food stamps and WIC (difference of significance p-.24).
The
survey showed a significant relationship between identifying as feminist and
gender. As shown in the graph below, more females identified as feminist than
males identified as feminist. 45% of our female respondents identify as feminist, while only
26% of our male respondents identify as feminist.
(difference of significance p- .32).
Respondents who identified as males were far less likely to
identify as a feminist, and even less likely to if they belonged to the 50+ age
group. For instance, out of the 12 respondents who definitely did not identify
as feminist, 58.3% of them identified as male. Consequently, out of those 7
respondents who identified as male, 71.4% were aged 50 or older. Though this
does not correlate directly to our hypothesis, this finding shows that there is
a significant relationship between this older generation and feminist
identification
Our survey responses also showed that people are
less likely to show support for families on welfare programs than they are for
single parents. The results showed that only 52.2% of the respondents
demonstrated support for families on welfare programs, while a higher 68.7%
respondents supported single mothers, and 65.7% supported single fathers on
welfare programs. Going further with these results, our data showed that our
respondents were slightly more supportive of single mothers receiving
government aid than single fathers receiving the same aid. Though it is a very
slight difference shown by our data, the difference could potentially be much
greater with a higher quantity of respondents surveyed. Our results revealed
that out of the 67 respondents, 68.7% supported single mothers, while only 65.7%
supported single fathers.
Methodology
In
order to test the hypothesis we created a seventeen multiple-choice question
survey. We each shared the survey to our social media accounts in an
attempt to broaden our survey results. We also asked our friends and family to
take the survey. We chose a multiple-choice survey in order to expedite the
amount of time to take the survey so that it would be easy for our respondents
to complete in a timely manner. The independent variables in our research are ideology,
age, gender, and the carefully selected welfare programs. The respondent’s
attitude towards the specific welfare policies is the dependent variable of our
research.
We ended up receiving 67 responses to our survey.
In regards to the demographics of our respondents, 76% of them were female, 23%
were male, and 1% chose not to specify. Our survey respondents’ ages ranged
from 18 to 50 and over. The majority of our respondents belonged to the 18 to
25 years age group. Though there was some slight variance in location of our
survey respondents, most of them were located within the state of Oklahoma.
This was not surprising because we shared the survey on our social media
accounts and most of our social media connections live in the state. Having
more of a variance in the demographics of our survey respondents could have
made a large difference in our survey results.
When deciding which questions to
include in our survey, we chose specific types
of questions that would allow us to test different aspects of general opinions
that could potentially shape the respondent’s attitude. The first set of
questions in the survey asked about the attitudes of gender in general in order
to gauge attitudes reflected through feminist ideals. The questions asked
included: support for equal pay for men and women, support for equal
educational and job opportunity for men and women, and support of equal government
aide for men and women. These questions helped us measure where our respondents
stood in terms of their support for feminist ideals by asking questions that
would be strongly supported by people who identify as feminists. We then asked in
our survey if the respondent identified as a feminist. The questions that lead
up to the respondent’s being specifically asked if they identified as feminist
were asked to determine if the respondents held feminist values, but did not
choose to identify as feminist. The second set of questions tested political
preferences in the categories of ideology, general support for welfare programs,
and support of different groups of welfare recipients. This set of questions
asked how conservative or liberal the respondent identified as, and how supportive
of WIC and food stamps in general the respondent was. We then inquired about
which groups of people the respondents were more supportive of receiving WIC
and food stamps. The groups receiving welfare that we included were family
recipients, single mother recipients, and single father recipients. The final
set of questions gathered background information on the respondents in order to
determine whether their experiences, specifically experiences with gender,
affected their attitudes toward welfare and its recipients. The questions asked
to gain background information included: respondent’s age, gender, whether they
know someone who has received WIC or food stamps, if they were currently a
single parent, whether they were raised by a single parent, and if so, what
gender of single parent were they raised by.
In
order to test our hypothesis, we ran a regression on the survey data. If gendered
experiences, such as being raised by a male or female single parent, compared
to their opinion on welfare recipients show a significant change in responses,
then the results would show that they had developed an attitude towards a
certain gender. If this proved to be true, it would affect their support of
that gender being on welfare. We used feminist ideals in order to determine if
gendered attitudes existed. If people that are in favor of feminist ideals
support welfare programs and recipients of welfare differently, then the
results will show that gendered attitudes do impact support towards welfare
programs and recipients in comparison to those that do not favor feminist
ideals.
Our Hypothesis
We hypothesize that people’s attitudes toward gender will guide
their support toward welfare programs and their recipients. This is driven by
ideas generated through past opinions regarding gender and normative gender
ideals that have continued to impact attitudes regarding gender today. For
example, we found support of the gender gap in regards to the bread-winning
regulations. Even if men didn’t have the means, they were legally forced to
provide for their families and act as the “bread-winners”, or they would be
considered dead-beat fathers. These regulations were all passed in an effort to
potentially save money for the United States government. Instead of these women
going on welfare programs for financial assistance, the financial burden
instead went on the father. We concluded that this would contribute to a bias
among men in terms of their support for programs benefitting women and
generated a gendered perspective for the welfare system.
Understanding who and what each welfare program benefitted is also
important in regards to our hypothesis. We assumed that more people who support
ideas of feminism would also support programs such as WIC (Women, Infants,
Children). As stated in previous research, women are more likely to support
programs that benefit women. This idea does not only pertain to WIC, but also,
as proven in an ANES study, it is more common for women to favor higher levels
of spending on the poor (Conover
& Lowery) .
In another ANES study on compassion and American public opinion,
it was found that women are more caring and compassionate than men (Steenbergen) . The study also
found that when taking away race and ideology, the likelihood for supporting
men and women on welfare went up (Steenbergen) . Also, setting
race and ideology to neutral the study shows that women and men’s support for
government spending increases (Steenbergen) . The study
emphasized the exact impact of gender on these opinions alone. While both
men and women support increased, the female support began larger and increased
more than the male support.
What Does Existing Research Say About Impacts on Support for Welfare?
Attitudes toward welfare
vary in several different aspects and usually change over time. A huge
indication of how the public will feel about government spending on welfare
programs is how the economy is doing at that time. When the economy is down and
the common middle-class is struggling, it is unlikely for those people to be in
favor of government providing assistance to the needy. Kluegel (1987) studied
the recurring behaviors of the public and their responses to welfare programs
during times of recession during the 1970’s. His studies show how welfare
backlash becomes apparent when the nation is in a prolonged financial deficit
and how these opinions help shape public policies (Kluegel, 1987) . Public opinion of welfare
programs can fluctuate as the economy fluctuates.
When addressing the issue of poverty
and welfare programs, it is important to understand the public opinions of who
should be assisted. People may be supportive of welfare considering the
circumstance, or just against welfare in general, but studying their attitudes
toward welfare in regards to which side they stand on is essential. Research
completed by Goren (2008) observes the focus of the public’s support of welfare
programs considering the reasons behind the need for government assistance. The
public unanimously supports welfare assistance for those whose economic stress
is due to forces out of their control, but the same support is not given for
those who have found themselves where they are due to laziness or lack of drive
(Goren, 2008) .
Goren (2008) found differences of opinion among social class and race.
Differences of attitudes towards poverty vary among races and classes, and
considering the circumstances of people in poverty is important when
understanding public support.
However, gender has a great impact on the attitudes toward welfare
programs and recipients as well. When addressing attitudes of welfare
support in the aspect of gender, attitudes of liberalism and feminism intersect
to form the opinion. Reingold and Smith (2012) take an intersectional and
additive approach to look at the relationship between how race and gender
affect attitudes toward benefit programs. Only gender is looked at in the
additive approach. Because most of the people receiving welfare benefits are
women, it was thought to be a women’s problem. In this article the authors
suggest that time after time surveys have proven that women tend to be more
liberal when it comes to social welfare programs (Reingold
& Smith, 2012) .
Because welfare affects women more heavily, they are more likely to support it (Reingold & Smith, 2012) . Also, the gender gap could impact differing
views on welfare programs. Cook and
Wilcox (1991) discover that because women are more nurturing, they feel more sympathy
for the disadvantaged. Could this mean
that because welfare programs are framed to primarily help the disadvantaged
rather than society as a whole that women will be more supportive than men of
welfare programs? These feelings are possibly awakened in the process of
becoming a feminist; this points to a gendered attitudes issue presenting
itself as feminists versus non- feminists rather than men versus women. There
are limited differences in gender values but there is an apparent contrast in
feminist women values versus all men values (Cook & Wilcox, 1991) . Feminist values were
found to strongly correlate with liberal values and policy preferences. The
research points to the fact that the gendered attitudes of feminists support
liberal programs such as welfare (Cook & Wilcox, 1991) .
Gender schemas show a great impact on attitudes due to gender. Winter
(2008) writes that we understand race and gender through cognitive structures
called schemas. The schemas contain information of race and gender, as well as
knowledge of common social stereotypes (Winter, 2008) . The schemas contain emotional
reactions and evaluations of race and gender (Winter, 2008) . Gender can affect the attitude toward
a policy due to the information that is contained in a schema causing emotional
reactions to that gender idea. Gender difference creates beliefs about
appropriate roles and activities for men and women (Winter, 2008) . Winter (2008) states that people use these
schemas to understand political issues when the issue is framed to fit the
gender schema, even when those issues have nothing to do with gender. These
gender schemas give rise to attitudes toward welfare programs and recipients.
Alternatively, society has implemented systems in the past that
have caused gendered circumstances among the welfare process. For example, the
purpose of breadwinner regulations was to help make sure that poor families stayed
off of welfare programs. The bread winning regulations focused on men being the
main source of income rather than women (Willrich, 2000) . This forced the responsibility on the
male rather than the government. These regulations were put in place to help
women that were struggling financially as single income earners. Women showed
more support for these programs because this would help them and all women (Willrich, 2000) . As beneficial as
this seemed, it only generated gendered perspectives for the welfare system and
in turn, society. This can also be seen in Sommestad’s (1997) research on the male
breadwinning system. The male breadwinning system relies women as caretakers. In
countries where this system takes place there is less help for women from
welfare programs (Sommestad, 1997) . In Sweden, where women are seen
as caretakers and a vital part of the workforce, welfare programs are equally
utilized which in turn shows equal support (Sommestad, 1997) . Sommestad (1997) claims that the
roles of reproduction have shaped the state attitudes toward the male
breadwinning system. If this is true, then gender has a direct impact on state
attitudes of welfare programs, which will impact how the state frames welfare
programs.
Gender has affected welfare programs and policies in the past and
continues to affect it still. Regardless of those few men who do
support feminist ideals and programs, there are men who support the opposite;
there have been alternative welfare ideas created in opposition of women.
Thomas’s (1998) article showcases this occurrence. Thomas (1998) looks at
welfare reform more from a race and gender perspective. People in power,
particularly men, believe that women take advantage of welfare programs and are
a burden to have to maintain through these programs. The idea that women were
“making money” off of welfare programs while continuing to have more children
caused concern for welfare reform. One of these reforms was a benefit cap; this
meant women could not have a child while they were benefitting from a welfare
program (Thomas, 1998) . While Thomas (1998) mainly looks at
how welfare forms the perspective of men, but also points to the support of
women. Sterilization and benefit cap legislation was created by powerful
men as a solution to poverty and was not intended to specifically help women,
and was therefore not supported by women. With this correlation of gender and
welfare, we formulated our hypothesis around the idea that gender attitudes
will impact welfare attitudes.
This Blog is About.....
Living in a society where 21.3 percent of the United States
population participates in some type of government assistance program each
month, it is common for there to be general attitudes regarding the people on
welfare programs. Historically, gender has had some impact on shaping welfare
policies and shaping opinions on welfare recipients. However, as gender has
faded into the background of important issues, we wonder if gender still has an
affect on welfare attitudes. Gender as a social construct relates to many
social issues and has an impact on multiple political issues. Research
shows that gender has a direct impact on humanitarianism, as women tend to be
more humanitarian than men. Additionally, women tend to be more compassionate
for the poor than men, which reflects ideas of welfare. These findings peaked
our interest in exactly what the impact of gender has on welfare attitudes in
today’s society. Having an understanding of what the welfare programs provide
and whom they provide for is essential for determining why attitudes exist.
With welfare being an important issue in the political realm, it is
important to understand how people form their opinions on the matter. Research
has found that welfare attitudes are formed around race, social class, gender,
and other aspects differentiating the general public. As a research group, we
chose to focus on the gendered approach to attitudes regarding welfare. We
asked the question: Do gendered attitudes have an effect on how people support
welfare policies? In an effort to answer this question we examined
existing literature on the subject and surveyed a small population in order to
find the correlation between gender attitudes and welfare program attitudes.
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